Christian Solidarity Worldwide

        1.      Introduction
2.      Background to CSW and East Timor
3.      Personnel
4.      Purposes
5.      Funds
6.      Political overview
7.      Religious freedom
8.      Justice and reconciliation
9.      Health care
10.    Conclusions & Recommendations
11.    Further reading

On May 20^th, 2002 after two and a half years of United Nations transitional government which followed 24 years of brutal Indonesian occupation and over 400 years of Portuguese colonial rule, East Timor finally became an independent, sovereign nation[1]. From the Indonesian invasion on December 7^th, 1975 until 1999 the East Timorese people struggled, with extraordinary courage and at great cost, against the oppressive Indonesian occupation of their land. On August 30^th, 1999 a referendum was held in which 78.5 per cent of the people voted for independence from Indonesia[2]. In response, the Indonesian military and their militia unleashed a terrible wave of violence and destruction, leading to thousands of deaths and the destruction of about 80% of the buildings. After several weeks, the international community took action and an Australian-led International Force for East Timor (Interfet) was dispatched to restore peace and security to the country. The Indonesians withdrew and the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) took over. Then, in August 2001 the people of East Timor went to the polls for a second time, this time to elect a Constituent Assembly which would draft the nation’s constitution and would then transform into the nation’s first Parliament. The new constitution was formally signed on March 22^nd, 2002. On April 14^th, 2002, the East Timorese held a third election, this time for the Presidency of the new country. Independence leader Xanana Gusmão was elected with a landslide victory. Just over a month later, he was inaugurated as the first President of the first new nation of this millennium.

The parish priest of Suai, Father Rene Manubag, said after the massacre in his church in 1999: “The history of East Timor was really written in an ink of blood. Now is the time when we are free to write it with an ink of love, an ink of freedom, an ink of love and peace”. One of the Independence Day songs contains these words:

“O Father, they divided us to rule
Sister, they used our hate as their tool
They pit brother against brother
And they set mother against daughter

Brothers and sisters, let’s join hands
Let’s make peace throughout our lands
Timor Leste, nation of the free
Timor Leste, a home for you and me”

Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) endorses this message wholeheartedly and hopes and prays that East Timor truly will be a nation of the free. CSW particularly supports the calls for unity in the new nation, and has made it a priority to encourage and support reconciliation efforts. CSW is especially concerned about divisions between Catholics and Protestants in East Timor, and has been working to build bridges between the denominations. CSW will continue to monitor religious freedom and ecumenical relations in East Timor closely.

CSW is an international, inter-denominational Christian human rights organization, concerned with supporting persecuted Christians and other victims of oppression, war or natural disaster. CSW’s work primarily involves advocacy, but we are also involved in small-scale humanitarian assistance and support for sustainable projects. CSW has been involved with East Timor for almost ten years. Our involvement started with our campaign for the release of two prisoners of conscience, Fransisco Miranda Branco and Gregório da Cunha Saldanha, who had been imprisoned by Indonesia after the Santa Cruz massacre in Dili in 1991. From that, CSW became more involved, especially in the run-up to the referendum in 1999, and organized protests in Hong Kong against the post-referendum violence carried out by the Indonesian-backed militia. CSW has made six previous missions to East Timor, with personnel from Hong Kong, Australia and UK. (See previous reports: January 2000, July 2000, October 2000, May 2001, March 2002).

CSW was present in East Timor throughout the period of the presidential elections and the independence celebrations. While based in the capital, Dili, CSW travelled to various places around the country, including: Aileu, Atauro Island, Baucau, Com, Dare, Hatu-beilico, Los Palos, Maubisse, Suai, Uate Lari and Viqueque. CSW met with Xanana Gusmão the day before the presidential election, and also with Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri, and leader of the Timorese Democratic Union (UDT) João Carrascalão. We also met with Gregório da Cunha Saldanha and Fransisco Miranda Branco, two former prisoners of conscience who are now Members of Parliament. CSW held discussions with church leaders such as the Roman Catholic Bishop of Dili, Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo; Father Jovito Rego de Jesus Araujo, Vice Chairman of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor; Father Fransisco Barretto, Parish Priest of Maubisse; Australian Catholic bishop and activist for East Timor Bishop Hilton Deakin; Rev. Fransisco do Vascencelos, Moderator of the Protestant Church of East Timor; and Mrs. Maria Gomes, Pastor of the Assemblies of God (AOG) Church. CSW met with missionaries from Youth with a Mission (YWAM) and World Evangelization for Christ (WEC), and with Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) such as La’o Hamutuk, Timor Aid, and Oxfam. CSW worked particularly with the Secular Institute of Brothers & Sisters in Christ[3], led by Sister Lourdes, and the Assemblies of God Church, and also collaborated with La’o Hamutuk and the Bairro Pite Clinic. The CSW team members were present in East Timor in part to represent CSW, but also in individual, personal capacities.

Benedict Rogers journalist; former Director and founder, CSW Hong Kong; Board Member, CSW UK

Dr Peter Boyd Director of Medicine, Cairns Base Hospital; Board Member, CSW Australia; volunteer doctor, Dili National Hospital

[The team was joined by Lyla Stephens, Director of CSW Hong Kong, for one week from May 18^th-27^th, and by a group from St Andrew’s Church Hong Kong led by CSW Hong Kong board member Rev. Paul Kenchington]

Three important and historic events took place during CSW’s visit to East Timor: the adoption of the new constitution, the election of the first president, and the formal handover of sovereignty from the United Nations to East Timor on May 20^th. CSW took an active interest in monitoring each of these events, and can confirm that the circumstances surrounding each event were, to our knowledge, entirely peaceful, free and fair.

The draft constitution caused some controversy within the Constituent Assembly but, after hours of debate, the document, containing 170 sections, was finally passed by the 88-member Assembly, with 72 votes in favor, 14 against, one abstention and one absentee. The CSW team was present at the signing of the Constitution, in the Constituent Assembly building in Dili.

The Preamble to the Constitution contains tributes to all who played a part in the 24-year resistance to the Indonesian occupation: the armed front, Forças Armadas de Libertação Nacional de Timor-Leste (FALANTIL); the clandestine front; the diplomatic front; and the Catholic Church. The text recognizes that the Catholic Church in East Timor “has always been able to take on the suffering of all the people with dignity, placing itself on their side in the defense of their most fundamental rights”. The Preamble also pledges that East Timor is “fully conscious of the need to build a democratic and institutional culture proper of a State based on the rule of law”. Respect for the rule of law and democratically elected institutions “constitute its unquestionable foundation”. Members of the Constituent Assembly, in signing the Constitution, “solemnly reaffirm their determination to fight all forms of tyranny, oppression, social, cultural or religious domination and segregation, to defend national independence, to respect and guarantee human rights and the fundamental rights of the citizen, to ensure the principle of the separation of powers in the organization of the State, and to establish the essential rules of multi-party democracy”.

Notably, Section 10 of the Constitution contains a pledge for East Timor to “extend its solidarity to the struggle of the peoples for national liberation” and to grant political asylum to foreigners persecuted for their struggle for democracy and human rights. CSW welcomes these points, and hopes that East Timor will be able to find a way of showing solidarity in practice with other people struggling for freedom. Having won its own struggle, East Timor has the potential to be a source of inspiration and encouragement to others engaged in similar struggles. However, CSW is aware that East Timor will face significant diplomatic pressures, particularly from some members of the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN), to stay silent on human rights issues in Asia and the world:

Ø CSW notes, for example, that China has become a major donor to East Timor and is financing the construction of East Timor’s Foreign Ministry building, and that this may mean pressure on East Timor to stay silent over human rights abuses in China, including Tibet’s struggle for self-determination, as well as supporting China’s position on Taiwan.

Ø CSW also notes that Burma recently vetoed East Timor’s application for observer status at ASEAN, due to its irritation at East Timor’s past support for the pro-democracy movement in Burma. We note that East Timor’s Foreign Minister Dr Jose Ramos-Horta showed worrying signs of compromising his previously strong position on Burma, reportedly announcing that he had helped to weaken a Nobel Laureates’ statement on Burma and saying that Burma “should not worry that we would be unhelpful”.[4]

Ø CSW is aware that the importance of good relations with Indonesia will make it difficult for East Timor to show solidarity with West Papua and Aceh, for example.

Ø In light of these and other regional and international relationships, CSW recognizes East Timor’s need to protect its own interests as it builds itself as a new independent nation. However, we sincerely hope that the East Timorese leaders and people will find a way of putting its constitutional commitment to support other struggles into action and that East Timor will be a beacon of democracy and justice in Asia.

The Constituent Assembly voted to transform itself into the nation’s Parliament, a decision that prompted the resignation of a number of members and opposition from Xanana Gusmão and Bishop Belo. Some people even claimed this was the first unconstitutional act, since Section 93 of the Constitution states that the Parliament shall be elected by universal suffrage, shall contain a minimum of 52 and a maximum of 65 members, and shall be elected every five years. Since the Constituent Assembly contains 88 members, and was elected with the task of drafting the constitution, it is argued that it has no mandate to become the Parliament[5]. CSW notes these concerns and hopes that until the next parliamentary elections in five years’ time, the Parliament will abide by its constitutional obligations.

The Presidential election was entirely calm and orderly, and although there were some minor technical difficulties in some districts, the process was totally democratic (see the CSW East Timor Visit Interim Report, April 2002). CSW took part as International Election Observers with the International Federation for East Timor (IFET) delegation, and observed polling centers in Baucau district in partnership with the International Republican Institute (IRI) and Catholic Relief Services (CRS).[6]

It was no surprise that Xanana Gusmão won the election, nor that his was a landslide victory, winning over 80% of the vote. It was good, however, that the election was contested by another candidate, Fransisco Xavier do Amaral[7], because that strengthens the principle of multi-party democracy in the new nation. The campaign was conducted totally peacefully and the atmosphere between the two candidates was respectful and amicable. CSW notes, however, that Xanana Gusmão chose to run as an independent candidate, endorsed by nine smaller parties, and not by his former party Fretilin. Fretilin, which holds 55 of the 88 seats in Parliament (62.5% of the seats), is the government. It was apparent during the campaign that Fretilin was not keen to see Xanana win a big mandate. Fretilin did not endorse either candidate, but it was widely rumored that Fretilin was advising its supporters to either spoil their ballots or to not vote. While this was denied by Fretilin, it was clear that relations between Fretilin and the President may be difficult at times. Xanana Gusmão has positioned himself as a “watchdog” President who will be willing to speak against the Government on behalf of the people if he thinks the Government is not doing fulfilling its duties well. In his statement after the announcement of his election as President, Xanana promised to “take an active role in the process of defining the priorities in order that the government program – while respecting all existing limitations – will not move away from the expectations of our people”. He promised to be “a voice for the concerns of our people” and to “use all means, either at the democratic institutions level or at the civil society level in general, to ensure that all the ways open to the Government to respond to our people’s concern, will be used in accordance with those expectations”. In a meeting with CSW, Xanana Gusmão promised to be a “spokesperson” for the people, and said he regards it as his duty to point out to the government when “it is not going well or it is going well”. But, he added, “there will not be from me any attempt to provoke a crisis”. East Timor is in the “very beginning of rebuilding the country” and it is essential to “avoid big mistakes”, he said. In his reaction to the result, Fretilin Secretary-General and East Timor’s Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri said the responsibilities of the President are firmly set out in the Constitution and that Xanana should abide by those limitations. However, he promised to do “everything possible and impossible to develop a sound relationship with the President”.

Despite rumors of potential violence or trouble, the Independence Day celebrations were carried out totally peacefully, in a spirit of celebration and unity. The CSW team walked with other members of the international solidarity movement for East Timor to Tasi Tolu, the site of the celebrations. The evening began with a Mass in Portuguese celebrated by the Pope’s representative to the United Nations, Cardinal Martinho, and this was followed by a variety of East Timorese dancing and entertainment. Shortly before midnight, Xanana Gusmão came onto the platform with the Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri, in a remarkable act of forgiveness and reconciliation. CSW pays tribute to President Xanana Gusmão for the gracious way in which he led Megawati onto the stage, and to President Megawati for her courage in coming to East Timor for its independence celebrations, despite considerable opposition in Indonesia and despite her own opposition to East Timorese independence during the 1999 referendum[8]. However, it should also be noted that President Megawati’s first act on arrival in East Timor on May 19^th was to visit the graves of Indonesian soldiers who had died during the occupation, without visiting the cemetery containing graves of thousands of East Timorese who died[9]. Indonesia’s decision to send six warships to accompany Megawati, when they had only sought and obtained permission for one or two, also left an unpleasant feeling. Whilst Xanana and Megawati’s presence together on the stage was a symbol of reconciliation between the two countries, the process of reconciliation still has a long way to go (see section on reconciliation and justice).

At midnight on May 19^th, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan officially handed over sovereignty to the East Timorese people. “I salute you – people of East Timor – for the courage and perseverance you have shown,” said Mr. Annan. “That a small nation is able to inspire the world and be the focus of our attention is the highest tribute I can pay.” Then the Speaker of the Parliament, Fransisco Guterres (“Lu-Olo”) was sworn in, and he then presided over Xanana Gusmão’s inauguration as President. The evening ended with a spectacular display of fireworks, as the world’s newest nation was born.

CSW asked Father Fransisco Maria Fernandes, an East Timorese Catholic priest who lives in Macau and was the first East Timorese to be exiled by the Indonesians in 1975, whether he ever believed he would see his country’s independence in his own lifetime. His answer speaks volumes for the determination, courage and persistence of the East Timorese. “Many people over the years and throughout the world have told me ‘you are fighting a losing battle. Why bother?’”, he said. “But I believed this day would come, in my lifetime, because we trusted in God and we knew that He would deliver us one day. Thanks to God. This was a victory of faith.”

In East Timor, over 90% of the population is Roman Catholic. A small proportion of the population is Protestant, belonging either to the Protestant Church of East Timor or to the evangelical Assemblies of God church, and an even smaller proportion is Muslim. But the Constituent Assembly took a deliberate decision not to establish the Catholic Church as the official state religion. Section 12 of the Constitution explicitly states that “the State shall recognize and respect the different religious denominations, which are free in their organization and in the exercise of their own activities, to take place in due observance of the Constitution and the law”. The State “shall promote the cooperation with the different religious denominations that contribute to the well-being of the people of East Timor”[10]. Section 16 prohibits discrimination “on grounds of color, race, marital status, gender, ethnical origin, language, social or economic status, political or ideological convictions, religion, education and physical or mental condition”. Section 45 guarantees the freedom of conscience, religion and worship, and enshrines the principle of the separation of religion and State. It prohibits religious persecution or discrimination, and guarantees the freedom to teach any religion “in the framework of the respective religious denomination”[11]. Despite some minor concerns over some of the wording of these points (see footnotes), CSW warmly welcomes these constitutional guarantees.

However, despite the constitutional guarantees, CSW has become aware of fears among Protestants that their religious freedom will not be protected in practice. In several districts, there have been rising tensions over the years between Protestants and Catholics. In Viqueque and Aileu districts, for example, Assemblies of God churches have been burned down. In Atsabe earlier this year, a group of Brazilian evangelical missionaries were stoned by Catholic youths, some sustaining serious head injuries (see CSW Australia/UK trip report, March 2002). Further reports have emerged from Atsabe of attacks on East Timorese members of the Assemblies of God church. CSW received unconfirmed reports that Catholics in Atsabe had warned the Assemblies of God church there that once the United Nations leaves East Timor, they will “put the Protestants in their pockets”. Some Protestants believe the Catholic Church has an agenda to make the entire country Catholic and ban other religions.

CSW has been monitoring the relationship between Catholics and Protestants in East Timor for several years. As an inter-denominational organization established originally by one Catholic and one Protestant, CSW is keen to assist in reconciling the two communities and enhancing ecumenical relations. CSW works with both Catholics and Protestants in East Timor. Through our conversations with people in both communities, CSW makes the following observations.

Ø The Constitution protects religious freedom. From our conversations with Catholic leaders and political leaders, CSW does not believe that it is their desire to eliminate or ban Protestants or other religions;

Ø However, CSW notes that there is a history of sectarian violence and tension. While it may not be the agenda of the Catholic Church as an institution, there appear to be Catholic groups in some districts who are fiercely anti-Protestant. Two Catholic leaders, one priest and one nun, have themselves admitted this. One told CSW that many Catholics are “fanatical about religion but lack maturity in faith” and that the Church must address this social problem. If Catholics were helped to discover the meaning of their faith in Jesus Christ, instead of becoming protective of their religious traditions, this would go a long way to improving relations;

Ø The problem is partly religious and partly political. The Protestant Church of East Timor was largely a creation of the Indonesians, and was well-supported by Indonesian military and civilian personnel in East Timor. Some of the worst Indonesian violators of human rights in East Timor were so-called Protestant Christians. In some villages, such as Hatu-beilico, Protestants were among the most active in the Indonesian-backed militia which terrorized, burned and looted pro-independence families’ homes[12]. In contrast, the Catholic Church was outspoken in defense of human rights and justice. There is therefore the perception that Protestants were pro-Indonesian. This is an incorrect perception – many Protestants were active in speaking for self-determination and independence – but the perception is there and it may be one factor in anti-Protestant feeling. There is also a feeling, expressed by one Catholic priest, that since the vast majority of East Timorese are Catholics, Protestantism is something new, maybe “foreign”, and as such is unwelcome in some places because people are conservative in outlook;

Ø CSW welcomes the fact that there are leading figures in the Catholic Church who are aware of the problems and keen to enhance ecumenical relations. CSW urges Protestant leaders to build relationships with such people, and CSW is willing to assist by facilitating introductions, should that be necessary. Indeed, CSW has already established contacts between a senior Protestant leader and a leading Catholic sister, and hopes that this will lead to improvements in relations;

Ø While CSW condemns any attacks on religious groups and any infringements of religious liberty, CSW also urges the leaders of the Assemblies of God church to be more proactive in seeking reconciliation. Tensions in Lekidoe, Aileu district, for example were eased when the Assemblies of God church invited the Catholics who had burned down their church to come to a reconciliation dinner, where they slaughtered a cow to give to the Catholics as an act of forgiveness and grace. Such proactive steps should continue. CSW encourages the Assemblies of God to engage in active dialogue, prayer and relationship with members of the Catholic Church who would be open to enhancing relations;

Ø CSW notes that many foreign Protestant missionaries give the impression of being anti-Catholic, working against the Catholic Church, and seeking to convert Catholics to Protestantism, and that this may well fuel anti-Protestant feelings. CSW also notes that some missionaries have gone to places without consulting the leaders of the indigenous Protestant churches, and have thereby compromised not only their own security but also that of the East Timorese Protestants. While CSW would never support restrictions on missionary activity, and would defend missionaries’ right to freedom of religion, CSW urges foreign evangelical missionaries to look at the beliefs they have in common with the Catholic Church more than the differences, and to find ways of working with, rather than against, the Catholic Church to disciple Christians of all denominations and to help them grow in their faith. CSW notes that Youth With a Mission (YWAM), an evangelical organization, has established a Discipleship Training Scheme (DTS) for Catholics in Australia. The aim of this is to help Catholics grow in their faith and go back into the Catholic Church to disciple others, rather than to convert to Protestantism. CSW urges missionaries in East Timor to consider adopting such an approach for East Timor.

Much has been written elsewhere about the process of justice and reconciliation in East Timor, so this report will not devote significant space to the topic. Nevertheless, CSW met with the Vice-Chairman of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor, Father Jovito Rego de Jesus Araujo, who said that true reconciliation cannot come without justice, and justice requires an international war crimes tribunal to hold the Indonesian orchestrators of crimes against humanity in East Timor accountable. This view was repeated by many other people with whom CSW has discussed this topic.

The Commission was established earlier this year, with a mandate to investigate human rights abuses that took place from 1974 until 1999, including acts of violence committed among East Timorese during the civil war that preceded the Indonesian invasion. But Father Jovito believes the Indonesian government, “the mastermind of all the atrocities”, should be held accountable, as should “external forces that provided the opportunity for human rights violations”. In addition to investigating the Indonesian military, who were “the real perpetrators of the human rights violations,” Father Jovito believes countries such as Australia and the United States who, he says, “gave orders to Indonesia to invade East Timor”, should also be held responsible. Such crimes are “out of reach” for the East Timorese people, and should be dealt with by international law, he argued. The Commission only has the power to deal with less serious crimes, such as burning and looting – the mass murders are investigated by the Serious Crimes Unit, but even that has no jurisdiction outside East Timor.

Reconciliation means different things to different people, Father Jovito said. East Timor’s President, Xanana Gusmão, has been pushing for reconciliation rather than justice, but Father Jovito believes the two must come together. “Xanana has his own perception. But reconciliation will not be done if justice does not work. Xanana wants reconciliation first and then justice, but how could it be? It’s not logical. Some people say forget the past, but it is something which sounds beautiful but is not easy to do.”

The priority, Father Jovito said, is to make the Commission “belong to the people” and provide a forum in which people can express their feelings. “We have to articulate the task of the Commission based on people’s assumptions, not based on the politicians, because reconciliation is for the people, the people are the victim.”

A key challenge facing the authorities will be how to prevent recriminations against the perpetrators of crimes if they return to East Timor. This can only be done through a proper system of justice. “Most politicians are thinking about a good relationship with Indonesia: this is a political way of thinking. But the people are waiting for true justice. They want justice. Everywhere around East Timor people say they want justice,” Father Jovito said. If the justice system does not work, he warned, “it will cause a big problem – there will be street judgments.”

The Catholic Church has a crucial role to play in the reconciliation process. “If we talk about reconciliation, it is a theological expression, it is the language of the Church,” said Father Jovito. “In the parishes and at the community levels, the convents, the congregations, play their own role in this field. The whole pastoral care of the Church is about reconciliation – how to live in peace, live in harmony, how to bring them to a better way to understand the Christian faith.”

The reconciliation process still has a long way to go, and Father Jovito is making no promises. But, he said, even if the Commission does not manage to fulfill its mandate he will have no regrets. “We have started something good in our country, sowed some seeds of reconciliation among people,” he said. After that, the people can continue the reconciliation process themselves. “It’s not good for an institution or somebody to force people to say I forgive you. Forgiveness comes from the heart and the only one that can take the sorrow away is the person himself - no institution can take it away. The most important thing is to take out the stone in the heart. We are here to support them and help them to open their hearts, then they will have the power to forgive.”

As noted in previous CSW reports, the health situation in East Timor remains in a parlous state. Accurate figures on life expectancy are still not available but health indicators such as maternal and infant mortality place are among the worst in the world. As with most developing countries, infectious diseases remain the largest killers with very high rates of Tuberculosis, Malaria and other mosquito borne diseases, respiratory infections and diarrhea in children. In addition, malnutrition is a major problem, particularly in children.

After the 1999 violence the health system lay in ruins. Most of the Indonesian medical staff had fled along with health administrators and many of the hospitals had been destroyed with equipment pillaged. A plan to reconstruct the health system was developed by UNTAET and in the interim multiple NGOs were commissioned to provide interim health care in different districts. In September 2001 the NGOs were asked to withdraw and the Ministry of Health in the Transitional Administration took over responsibility for administering the health system and providing staffing. In retrospect this may have been precipitous given the lack of experienced East Timorese administrators and the minimal numbers of doctors and complete lack of medical specialists. At present there are approximately 30 East Timorese doctors, of which half are working fulltime in health administration. Present medical manpower deficits are being dealt with by employing expatriate doctors at both the general practice (GP) and specialist level. Presently there are 10 expatriate specialists working at the National Hospital, Dili with no specialist care available outside the capital city. Most of the East Timorese doctors are employed in Dili and there is difficulty providing doctors even in relatively large provincial centers.

The biggest challenge facing the new government is how to make health care accessible to the large proportion of East Timorese people who live in remote and inaccessible villages, often several days’ walk from any sort of health care. The government is aware of this need and will promote the training of nurse practitioners and health workers to function competently in isolation and to treat common medical disorders. However there is an urgent need to train doctors to perform competently in the larger regional hospitals and in particular to be able to perform basic surgery such as appendectomy and Caesarian section. After the withdrawal of the present level of UN support the option of helicoptering surgical patients to Dili will cease and the road journey will often be impractical. To this end the Health Ministry is promoting a scheme to train “GPplus” doctors who can competently perform basic surgery and obstetrics utilizing the skills of expatriate specialists working in Dili.

Several members of the recent CSW groups to visit East Timor have been medical practitioners and have naturally taken a particular interest in the health crisis. In addition, Dr Peter Boyd has had the opportunity to assess the health situation over a period of four months working as a consultant physician at Dili Hospital. As a group we feel a major priority is the early establishment of a medical training facility in E. Timor. With a basic doctor/patient ratio of 1:5000 East Timor requires 160 working doctors. At present there is no definite plan to address this issue. A few students have received scholarships to train in various overseas medical schools. It is the opinion of our group that training East Timorese doctors outside the country will be fraught with problems and we feel strongly that a medical school should be established in the near future in Dili with a close affiliation with an overseas school, probably Australian given the geographical advantages. This view is shared by several prominent international medical educationists and is now supported by the new East Timorese health ministry. It would clearly require external funding. CSW board members are presently actively involved in promoting this concept in Australian medical schools.

CSW salutes the East Timorese people for their courage, determination and faith and rejoices with them in their independence. We are also very much aware, however, that with independence comes many new challenges. East Timor is already calling itself the poorest country in Asia. According to the National Planning Commission, 41% of East Timorese live in poverty and 48% are illiterate. Poverty in rural areas is 46% and in urban areas 26%. Unemployment is still at over 80%, and with the conclusion of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) that is likely to rise. Health care, education, job creation and poverty alleviation are the major tasks ahead.

CSW pays tribute to the efforts made by the United Nations to prepare East Timor for independence, through UNAMET, Interfet and UNTAET. Undoubtedly if it had not been for international intervention, East Timor would not now be independent - it is unlikely that the referendum would have been held, or that the military and militia violence inflicted on the people of East Timor would have ended, if it had not been for international intervention. Nevertheless, CSW reminds the international community that their action was too slow – for most of the 24-year Indonesian occupation, the world failed to do anything to assist; until 1999, the United Nations failed to respond to Bishop Belo’s famous letter in 1989 to the then Secretary-General, calling for a referendum and warning that East Timor was “dying as a people and as a nation”; despite overwhelming evidence of existing and planned violence, destruction and intimidation by the Indonesian military and their militia in 1999, the international community failed to take any measures to prevent the carnage which occurred after the referendum, and responded too slowly and only as a result of popular pressure in September 1999. CSW also notes that, while UNTAET has been successful in bringing East Timor to independence, it has left many tasks undone. The United Nations has also hindered East Timor’s development by failing to invest in economic growth or capacity building during its tenure, and by withdrawing much of the equipment it used, instead of handing it over to the new East Timorese administration[13].

It should also not be forgotten that the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, Portugal and other countries were partly responsible for the tragic bloodshed in East Timor from 1975 right up until 1999. The United States gave Indonesia tacit approval for its invasion, with President Gerald Ford and Henry Kissinger present in Jakarta just hours before the invasion began, and provided arms to Indonesia throughout the occupation; Australia increased East Timor’s isolation through its recognition of Indonesia’s illegal occupation; the United Kingdom sold arms, notably Hawk jets, to Indonesia which are widely believed to have been used against the East Timorese people; Portugal turned its back on East Timor in 1975 and failed to oppose Indonesia’s occupation until too late. While all of these countries have now provided generous support and assistance to East Timor, their part in Indonesia’s illegal occupation should not be forgotten. The world should learn the lessons of the past quarter of a century, and ensure that such mistakes are never repeated.

While the violence is over and East Timor is beginning a new relationship with its neighbor and former oppressor Indonesia, true reconciliation will be difficult without justice. The Indonesian ad hoc tribunals have not, so far, been successful in bringing to justice the major perpetrators of crimes against humanity during Indonesia’s 24-year occupation of East Timor. The United Nations’ Serious Crimes Unit has also not been able to bring the major war criminals to trial. It is now imperative that an international tribunal be established, to call to account senior military and political personnel in Indonesia.

CSW therefore makes the following recommendations to the international community:

Ø That the United Nations establish an international tribunal to bring to justice those outside East Timor who are responsible for crimes against humanity in East Timor from 1975-1999;

Ø That governments, non-governmental organizations and individuals lobby the United States of America to support the establishment of a war crimes tribunal;

Ø That the United Nations, governments, non-governmental organizations and individuals continue to provide assistance to East Timor in developing its own systems of justice, human rights and law;

Ø That international support for East Timor continue, but be more focused on capacity building and creating an environment of independence rather than dependency;

Ø That international organizations monitor developments in East Timor closely, especially political and religious freedoms;

The CSW team in East Timor makes the following recommendations to CSW branches around the world, in the UK, USA, Australia, Hong Kong and elsewhere:

Ø That CSW continue to provide support to East Timor, especially in the area of encouraging ecumenical relations between Protestants and Catholics and defending religious freedom;

Ø That CSW continue to monitor developments, particularly any further incidents of religious tension or violent attacks on religious denominations;

Ø That CSW continue to support and advocate for East Timor in the international community. As a small nation, there is a risk that major regional and global powers will seek to impose agendas on East Timor which may not be in the country’s interests. The recently signed Timor Sea Arrangement between East Timor and Australia, in regard to the distribution of oil revenues from the Timor Gap, is an example of this. CSW should continue to show solidarity with East Timor as it develops as a nation;

Ø That CSW continue to speak about East Timor in our respective countries, as an example of a people who struggled against the odds and finally won their desired independence. East Timor can be held up as a beacon of hope, to inspire activists in the free world that it is worth working for justice and human rights;

Ø That CSW build bridges between the East Timorese and other people who are fighting for their freedom, particularly the Karen and Karenni in Burma. On its recent visit to the Thai-Burmese border, CSW Hong Kong noted the parallels between the Karen and East Timorese struggles (see CSW Hong Kong report on the Thai-Burma border, February 2002). CSW has been successful in establishing some initial contacts between the Karen and the East Timorese, and this work should continue;

Ø That CSW continue to make regular visits to East Timor, and continue to support the work of the Secular Institute of Brothers & Sisters in Christ, the Assemblies of God church, and others.

For further information please contact Benedict Rogers at brogers50@hotmail.com or visit CSW Hong Kong’s website: http://www.csw.org.hk or CSW UK’s website: http://www.csw.org.uk

CSW Mission to East Timor, Report, February 4^th-9^th 2000 (CSW Hong Kong, UK, Australia)

CSW Mission to East Timor, Report, July 13^th-23^rd 2000 (CSW Hong Kong and Australia)

CSW Mission to East Timor, Report, September 29rd-October 4^th, 2000 (CSW Hong Kong)

CSW Mission to East Timor, Report, April 28^th-May 5^th, 2001 (CSW Hong Kong and Australia)

CSW Mission to East Timor, Report, March 3^rd-8^th, 2002 (CSW Australia and UK)

The Secular Institute of Brothers & Sisters in Christ – by Benedict Rogers, May 2002

East Timor: Blood and tears in Asean – by Sonny Imbaraj, 1995, Silkworm Books

East Timor’s Unfinished Struggle: Inside the Timorese Resistance – by Constancio Pinto and Matthew Jardine, 1997, South End Press

From the Place of the Dead: the Epic Struggles of Bishop Belo of East Timor – by Arnold Kohen, 1999, St Martin’s Press

Timor Loro Sae: 500 Years – by Geoffrey Gunn, 1999, Livros do Oriente, Macau

Funu: The Unfinished Saga of East Timor – by Jose Ramos-Horta, 1987 (second edition 1996), Red Sea Press

To Resist is to Win! : The Autobiography of Xanana Gusmao – edited by Sarah Niner, 2000, Aurora Books

[1] A small United Nations support mission, called the United Nations Mission in Support of East Timor (UNMISET), will remain for a few years, to advise the new government. A Peacekeeping Force (PKF) will also remain until at least 2004.

[2] The referendum, known as the “Popular Consultation”, was organised by the United Nations Assistance Mission in East Timor (UNAMET).

[3] Known in Tetun as the “Institut Secular Maun Alin Iha Kristu” or “ISMAIK”

[4] La’o Hamutuk Bulletin, April 2002, page 18

[5] UNTAET Regulation No 2001/2 “On the election of a Constituent Assembly to prepare a Constitution for an independent and democratic East Timor” states in section 2.6 that “the Constituent Assembly shall become the legislature of an independent East Timor, if so provided in the Constitution”.

[6] See CSW Visit to East Timor Interim Report, April 17^th, 2002, and IFET Report

[7] Fransisco Xavier do Amaral was supported by ASDT and PARENTIL. While he lost significantly in 12 of the 13 districts, he won his home district, Aileu, with 67.45% of the vote. He was the first President of East Timor, who declared independence on November 28^th, 1975, ten days before the Indonesian invasion on December 7^th, 1975. He was held in captivity in Indonesia for most of the 24-year occupation.

[8] Megawati criticized then President BJ Habibie for holding the referendum, and came to East Timor in 1999 to support the pro-autonomy campaign.

[9] It is estimated that about 700 Indonesian soldiers were killed, while 200,000 East Timorese died during the occupation.

[10] This raises one concern, which is who is to determine what “the well-being” of the people of East Timor is, and upon what criteria.

[11] This statement requires clarification as to what precisely is meant by “within the framework of the respective religious denomination”, and whether this could be interpreted as imposing restrictions on religious teaching and evangelism in the future.

[12] It should be noted that most militia were forced to join the militia by the Indonesian military, and knew that the consequences would be serious if they refused.

[13] One anecdotal example: the Immigration Department had one photocopier which, after May 20^th, was withdrawn and reportedly sent to Afghanistan. Applicants for visas had to go round to a photocopying shop to photocopy their passports before submitting their applications.

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